The Stilfontein Mine Stand-off in South Africa: What the Main-stream Media Leaves Out
Transcending the Maze: Paradigm Sifts, and Deduction Deconstruction
News, views and muse: Reflections, analysis, and conjecture based on news stories about significant events and trends impacting human rights, geopolitics, the global and local distribution, use and abuse of power and wealth.
Wednesday, November 20, 2024
The Stilfontein Mine Stand-off in South Africa
Saturday, December 9, 2023
The Evil Israel Does is the Evil Israel Gets
A thoughtful, if not hopeful piece by Chris Hedges:
The Evil Israel Does is the Evil Israel Gets
Israel’s settler colonial project perpetuates the cycle of violence against the indigenous inhabitants of historic Palestine. Palestinians have been forced to speak back in the language Israel speaks.
Universal Misery - by Mr. Fish
I knew Dr. Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi, the co-founder of Hamas, along with Sheikh Ahmed Ismail Yassin. Al-Rantisi’s family were expelled to the Gaza Strip by Zionist militias from historic Palestine during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. He did not fit the demonized image of a Hamas leader. He was a soft spoken, articulate and highly educated pediatrician who had graduated first in his class at Egypt’s Alexandria University.
As a nine-year-old boy, he witnessed executions in Khan Younis of 275 Palestinian men and boys, including his uncle, when Israel briefly occupied the Gaza Strip in 1956, the subject of Joe Sacco’s magisterial book Footnotes in Gaza. Scores of Palestinians were also executed by Israeli soldiers in the neighboring town of Rafah, where tens of thousands Palestinians are currently being forced to flee now that Khan Younis has come under attack.
“I still remember the wailing and the tears of my father over his brother,” al-Rantisi told Sacco and me when we visited him at his home. “I couldn’t sleep for many months after that…It left a wound in my heart that can never heal. I’m telling you a story and I’m almost crying. This sort of action can never be forgotten…[T]hey planted hatred in our hearts.”
He knew he could never trust the Israelis. He knew that the goal of the Zionist state was the occupation of all of historic Palestine – Israel seized Gaza and the West Bank in 1967 along with Syria’s Golan Heights and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula – and the eternal subjugation or extermination of the Palestinian people. He knew he would avenge the killings.
Al-Rantisi and Yassin were assassinated in 2004 by Israel. Al-Rantisi’s widow, Jamila Abdallah Taha al-Shanti, had a doctorate in English and taught at the Islamic University in Gaza. The couple had six children, one of whom was killed along with his father. The family’s home was bombed and destroyed during the 2014 Israeli assault on Gaza known as Operation Protective Edge. Jamila was killed by Israel on Oct. 19 of this year.
Israel’s genocide in Gaza is rearing a new generation of enraged, traumatized and dispossessed Palestinians who have lost family members, friends, homes, communities and any hope of living ordinary lives. They, too, will seek retribution. Their small acts of terrorism will counter Israel’s ongoing state terror. They will hate as they have been hated. This lust for vengeance is universal. After World War Two, a clandestine unit of Jews who served in the Jewish Brigade of the British Army, called “Gmul,” - Hebrew for “Recompense” - hunted down former Nazis and executed them.
“I and the public know/What all schoolchildren learn,” W.H. Auden wrote. “Those to whom evil is done/Do evil in return.”
Chaim Engel, who took part in the uprising at the Nazis’ Sobibor death camp in Poland, described how, armed with a knife, he attacked a guard in the camp.
“It’s not a decision,” Engel said. “You just react, instinctively you react to that, and I figured, ‘Let us to do, and go and do it.’ And I went. I went with the man in the office, and we killed this German. With every jab, I said, ‘That is for my father, for my mother, for all these people, all the Jews you killed.’”
What Engel did to the Nazi guard was no less savage than what Hamas fighters did to Israelis on Oct. 7, after escaping their own prison. Taken out of context, it is inexplicable. But set against the backdrop of the extermination camp, or the 17 years trapped in Gaza’s concentration camp, it makes sense. This is not to excuse it. To understand is not to condone. But we must understand if this cycle of violence is to be stopped. No one is immune to the thirst for vengeance. Israel and the U.S. are foolishly orchestrating yet another chapter in this nightmare.
J. Glenn Gray, a combat officer in World War Two, wrote about the peculiar nature of vengeance in “The Warriors: Reflections on Men in Battle:”
When the soldier has lost a comrade to this enemy or possibly had his family destroyed by them through bombings or through political atrocities, so frequently the case in World War II, his anger and resentment deepen into hatred. Then the war for him takes on the character of a vendetta. Until he has himself destroyed as many of the enemy as possible, his lust for vengeance can hardly be appeased. I have known soldiers who were avid to exterminate every last one of the enemy, so fierce was their hatred. Such soldiers took great delight in hearing or reading of mass destruction through bombings. Anyone who has known or been a soldier of this kind is aware of how hatred penetrates every fiber of his being. His reason for living is to seek revenge; not an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, but a tenfold retaliation.
To the brutalized, numb with trauma, convulsed by rage, those who relentlessly attack and humiliate them are not human beings. They are representations of evil. The lust for vengeance, for tenfold retaliation, spawns rivers of blood.
The Palestinian attacks of Oct. 7, which left some 1,200 Israelis dead, feeds this lust within Israel, just as Israel’s obliteration of Gaza feeds this lust among Palestinians. Israel’s blue and white national flag with the Star of David adorns homes and cars. Crowds gather to support families whose members are among the hostages in Gaza. Israelis hand out food at road junctions to soldiers headed to fight in Gaza. Banners with slogans such as “Israel at war” and “Together we will win” punctuate television broadcasts and media sites. There is little discussion in Israeli media of the slaughter in Gaza or the suffering of Palestinians - 1.7 million of whom have been driven from their homes - but a constant repetition of the stories of suffering, death and heroism that took place on the Oct. 7 attack. Only our victims matter.
“Few of us ever know how far fear and violence can transform us into creatures at bay, ready with tooth and claw,” Gray wrote. “If the war taught me anything at all, it convinced me that people are not what they seem or even think themselves to be.”
Marguerite Duras in her book “The War: A Memoir” writes of how she and other members of the French Resistance tortured a 50-year-old Frenchman accused of collaborating with the Nazis. Two men who were tortured in Montluc prison in Lyon strip the alleged informer. They beat him as the group shouts: “Bastard. Traitor. Scum.” Blood and mucus soon run from his nose. His eye is damaged. He moans, “Ow, ow, oh, oh. …” He crumples in a heap on the floor. Duras writes that he had “become someone without anything in common with other men. And with every minute the difference grows bigger and more established.” She watches the beating passively. “The more they hit and the more he bleeds, the more it’s clear that hitting is necessary, right, just.” She goes on: “You have to strike. There will never be any justice in the world unless you – yourself are justice now. Judges, paneled courtrooms play-acting, not justice.” She notes,“Every blow rings out in the silent room. They’re hitting at all the traitors, at the women who left, at all those who didn’t like what they saw from behind the shutters.”
Israel has abused, humiliated, impoverished and wantonly killed Palestinians, provoking inevitable counter violence. It is the engine behind a century of bloodshed. The genocide in Gaza outdoes even the worst excesses of the Nakba, or catastrophe, which saw 750,000 Palestinians driven from their land in 1948 and 8,000 to 15,000 murdered in massacres by Zionist terrorist militias such as Irgun and Lehi.
The Palestinian resistance has little more than small arms and rocket-propelled grenades to battle against one of the best equipped and most technologically advanced militaries on the planet, the world’s 4th strongest military, after the U.S., Russia and China. Palestinian fighters, facing these overwhelming odds, have become demigods with huge popular followings not only among Palestinians, but throughout the Muslim world. Israel may be able to hunt down and kill Hamas’s second-in-command leader Yahya Sinwar, but if they do, he will become the Middle East’s version of Ernesto “Che” Guevara. Resistance movements are built on the blood of martyrs. Israel ensures a continual supply.
The decision by the U.S.to defend, fund and participate in Israel’s carpet bombing, slaughter and ethnic cleansing in Gaza is unconscionable. Its backing for the genocide has destroyed what remained of its credibility in the Middle East, already in tatters from two decades of wars, as well as most of the rest of the world. It has forfeited its right to act as a mediator; that role will be taken by China or Russia. Its refusal to condemn Israeli aggression and war crimes exposes its hypocrisy about the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It flirts with the possibility of a regional conflagration. The peace process, a sham for decades, is irrecoverable. The only language left is the language of death. It is how Israel speaks to the Palestinians. It is how the Palestinians are forced to speak back.
The Biden administration has little to gain from the leveling and depopulation of Gaza, indeed it is alienating huge segments of the Democratic Party, especially as it attacks protestors calling for a ceasefire as “pro-terrorist.” Senate Majority leader Chuck Schumer led chants of “We stand with Israel” and “No ceasefire” at a pro-Israel rally on Nov. 4 in Washington D.C., despite a Reuters/Ipsos survey indicating 68 percent of respondents believed that Israel should implement a ceasefire and negotiate an end to the war. That number rises to 77 percent among Democrats. Biden has a dismal approval rating of 37 percent.
On Friday, the United Nations Security Council voted 13-1 for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and unconditional release of all hostages. The U.S. voted against the resolution. The U.K. abstained. The draft resolution was not adopted due to the U.S. veto.
Biden’s real base is not disenchanted voters but the billionaire class, corporations, such as the weapons industry, which is making huge profits from the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, and groups such as the Israel lobby. They determine policy, even if it means Biden’s defeat in the next presidential election. If Biden loses, the oligarchs get Donald Trump, who serves their interests as doggedly as Biden.
The wars do not end. The suffering continues. The Palestinians die in the tens of thousands. This is by design.
Thursday, November 23, 2023
The Geopolitical and Historical Context of the Israeli/Hamas Conflict
–by
Phind AI and Stewart Vriesinga
The
following is basically my attempt to better understand the current
Israeli-Hamas conflict by posing a series of questions to Phind AI. I
have removed the list of references supplied by the AI, but have left
in the rather large numbers which will take you to those
sources.
The order of the questions are less coherent than
they might be. Readers will have to tolerate digressions on my part,
and I jump around from questions about historical context to
other questions about more recent events which are not always
directly related to the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Nevertheless they serve to illustrate differences and similarities in
the global response to this and other conflicts.
Delving
a little deeper into some of these questions raised new questions,
the answers to which deepened my understanding of the current
Israeli-Hamas conflict, which has deep historical roots. Often,
instead of providing clarity, the difference between right and wrong;
between good guys and bad guys; between human rights abusers and
human rights defenders, becomes further blurred. Players alternate
between being victims and oppressors, and hidden agendas are often
more significant and revealing than are stated objectives.
Read
on. It's a long read; take your time. Skip whatever seems unimportant
or uninteresting, although to my mind all of it has at least some
relevance.
Does Israel's relationship with Palestinians constitute a form of colonialism? How is colonialism defined?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Colonialism is a system of domination and exploitation exercised by a foreign power over a colony or subject people. It often involves the establishment of a colonial regime and the imposition of colonial laws and customs on the colonized people. Colonialism is characterized by a power imbalance between the colonizer and the colonized, and it often results in the exploitation of natural resources, the suppression of local cultures, and the establishment of a rigid social hierarchy 3.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has its roots in a colonial act carried out more than a century ago, with the Balfour Declaration by Britain's then-foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, committing the British government to the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. This led to mass Jewish immigration, alarmed Palestinians by changing demographics and British confiscation of their lands to be handed over to Jewish settlers 2.
Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory is seen by some as a form of settler-colonialism. The occupation is characterized by the establishment of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, which became central to the conflict. Israel placed the Arab population of the West Bank under military rule, which is enforced to this day 4. The United Nations has described Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory as unlawful under international law due to its permanence and the Israeli government's de facto annexation policies 6.
Settlement construction in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip has created a two-tier system with Jewish settlers afforded all the rights and privileges of being Israeli citizens, whereas Palestinians have to live under a military occupation that discriminates against them and bars any form of political or civic expression. Hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers have moved to colonies built on stolen Palestinian land 2.
In conclusion, while the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is complex and has many dimensions, the historical and ongoing practices of Israel's control over Palestinian territories and the establishment of Jewish settlements in these territories suggest that there are elements of colonialism in the relationship between Israel and Palestine. However, it's important to note that the term "colonialism" is not universally accepted to describe the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and different perspectives may interpret the situation differently.
Tell me more about the Balfour agreement. How did the UK obtain the right/ability to hand Palestinian land over to Jewish settlers?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Balfour Declaration was a letter sent on November 2, 1917, by British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to Lionel Walter Rothschild, a leader of the British Jewish community. The letter stated that the British government favored the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people in Palestine," as long as "nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine" 10.
The British government's support for a Jewish homeland in Palestine was strategic. They hoped that the declaration would rally Jewish opinion, especially in the United States, to the side of the Allied powers during World War I. They also hoped that the settlement in Palestine of a pro-British Jewish population might help to protect the approaches to the Suez Canal in neighboring Egypt and thus ensure a vital communication route to British colonial possessions in India 3.
The Balfour Declaration was endorsed by the principal Allied powers and was included in the British mandate over Palestine, formally approved by the newly created League of Nations on July 24, 1922. This mandate gave Britain the authority to administer Palestine until it was ready for self-government 3.
The British government's ability to hand over Palestinian land to Jewish settlers was not based on any legal right or ability they had over the land. Instead, it was a political decision made during a time of war, with the hope of gaining strategic advantages and allies. The declaration was seen as a way to secure the loyalty of Jewish communities worldwide, especially in the United States, and to protect British interests in the Middle East 7.
However, the Balfour Declaration was seen by many as a betrayal of the Arab population of Palestine, who made up the majority of the population at the time. The declaration was seen as a promise by Britain to hand over land that it did not own 10.
In conclusion, the Balfour Declaration was a strategic decision made by the British government during World War I, with the hope of gaining strategic advantages and allies. It was not based on any legal right or ability the British had over the land. However, the declaration has had lasting consequences and is seen by many as a betrayal of the Arab population of Palestine.
How did the Balfour Declaration culminate in the establishment of the Israeli state? What were the justifications for the dispossession of the Palestinians of their land?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Balfour Declaration, issued by the British government, played a significant role in the establishment of the Israeli state. The declaration stated that the British government favored the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people in Palestine," which was seen as a strategic move during World War I 2.
The British Mandate for Palestine, established after World War I, was based on the Balfour Declaration. This mandate gave Britain the authority to administer Palestine until it was ready for self-government. The mandate was set up in a way to equip Jews with the tools to establish self-rule, at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs 5.
The British government's support for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine was based on geopolitical considerations. They hoped that the declaration would rally Jewish opinion, especially in the United States, to the side of the Allied powers during World War I. They also hoped that the settlement in Palestine of a pro-British Jewish population might help to protect the approaches to the Suez Canal in neighboring Egypt and thus ensure a vital communication route to British colonial possessions in India 2.
The justifications for the dispossession of the Palestinians living in Palestine were based on the British government's belief that they were fulfilling a historic obligation to the Jews, who were seen as a persecuted minority. The British government also believed that the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine would be beneficial for the region and for the British Empire 2.
However, the establishment of the Israeli state led to the displacement of more than 750,000 Palestinians from their homes in what Palestinians call the Nakba, or "catastrophe" 10. This has had lasting consequences and is seen by many as a betrayal of the Arab population of Palestine.
In conclusion, the Balfour Declaration played a significant role in the establishment of the Israeli state. The British government's support for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine was based on geopolitical considerations and the belief in a historic obligation to the Jews. However, this decision led to the displacement of the Palestinian population from their homes, which has had lasting consequences and is seen by many as a betrayal.
Are the rights of Palestians protected under UNDRIP? (the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples)
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) is an international treaty that affirms the rights of indigenous peoples to their traditional lands and territories, their cultural and spiritual practices, and their economic and social well-being. However, UNDRIP does not specifically address the situation of Palestinians 2.
The rights of Palestinians, as recognized by the United Nations, are primarily related to the right to self-determination and the right to resist foreign domination. The UN has recognized the right to resist foreign domination in the backdrop of independence wars against colonial powers in the second half of the 20th century, especially in Southern Africa. UN resolutions during this period frequently spoke in support of the Palestinian struggle alongside similar liberation movements in other colonial contexts 2.
However, the UN has also acknowledged that the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory is illegal under international law. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, which receives its mandate from the UN Human Rights Council, has called for the international system and individual states to act and uphold their obligations under international law 4.
The UN has also urged Israel to protect and encourage Palestine rights defenders. The UN Human Rights Council-appointed experts have expressed deep concern over Israeli military interference in the work of well-known, independent Palestinian child rights organizations, in the occupied West Bank 8.
In conclusion, while UNDRIP does not specifically address the situation of Palestinians, the United Nations has recognized the rights of Palestinians to self-determination, resistance, and protection of their rights defenders. The international community, including the UN, has also condemned the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory as illegal under international law.
Does the UN consider all of Israel to be Palestinian territory?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The United Nations does not consider all of Israel to be Palestinian territory. The UN's stance is based on the principles of self-determination, national independence, and sovereignty recognized in the 1974 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3236 2.
The State of Palestine, which is recognized by the UN, consists of two non-contiguous territories: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. These territories are separated by Israel, another partially recognized country. Palestine is located in the Mediterranean Middle East 4.
As of April 2022, 138 of the United Nations' 193 members (and one observer) have recognized Palestine 4. Palestine is currently classified as a "non-member observer state" by the United Nations.
In conclusion, the UN does not consider all of Iraq [sic] to be Palestinian territory. The State of Palestine, which is recognized by the UN, consists of two non-contiguous territories: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. These territories are separated by Israel.
When were Palestinians first defined as a people or nation separate from neighboring countries?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The concept of Palestinians as a distinct people or nation separate from neighboring countries began to form in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The term "Palestine" was used by European travelers and scholars to refer to the region of Palestine, which is located in the eastern Mediterranean. However, it was not until the late 19th century that the term "Palestinian" began to be used to describe the inhabitants of this region 6.
The concept of Palestinian nationalism began to develop in the late 19th century, influenced by the rise of nationalist movements in other parts of the Ottoman Empire. The first Palestinian nationalist organization, the Palestinian Arab Party, was established in 1908. This organization sought to represent the interests of the Arab population of Palestine and to advocate for their rights 10. The Palestinian nationalist movement was further influenced by the Balfour Declaration in 1917, which promised the establishment of a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine. This led to increased tensions between the Jewish and Arab populations in Palestine, and the Palestinian nationalist movement sought to advocate for the rights of the Arab population 3.
The United Nations recognized the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination in 1947, and this was further affirmed in the 1974 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3236. This recognition marked a significant milestone in the development of Palestinian nationalism 7.
In conclusion, the concept of Palestinians as a distinct people or nation separate from neighboring countries began to form in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Palestinian nationalist movement developed in response to the rise of nationalist movements in other parts of the Ottoman Empire, and the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination by the United Nations in 1947 was a significant milestone in this development.
How influential was the Ottoman empire in the near and middle east? When and how did they lose influence?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Ottoman Empire was one of the mightiest and longest-lasting dynasties in world history. It ruled large areas of the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and North Africa for more than 600 years, reaching its peak between 1520 and 1566, during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent. This period was marked by great power, stability, and wealth 4.
The empire's influence extended to the Balkans, the Middle East, and North Africa. It included Bulgaria, Egypt, Greece, Hungary, Jordan, Lebanon, Israel and the Palestinian territories, Macedonia, Romania, Syria, parts of Arabia, and the north coast of Africa 2.
However, the empire's influence began to wane in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The empire was not cohesive enough to remain intact and evolve into a modern democratic nation due to its diversity in terms of ethnicity, language, economics, and geography. The various peoples who were part of the empire grew more and more rebellious, and by the 1870s, the empire had to allow Bulgaria and other countries to become independent and ceded more and more territory 2.
The ambition of European powers also helped to hasten the Ottoman Empire’s demise. Russia and Austria both supported rebellious nationalists in the Balkans to further their own influence. And the British and the French were eager to carve away territory controlled by the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East and North Africa 2.
At the start of World War I, the Ottoman Empire was already in decline. The Ottoman army entered the war in 1914 on the side of the Central Powers (including Germany and Austria-Hungary) and was defeated in October 1918. Following the Armistice of Mudros, most Ottoman territories were divided between Britain, France, Greece, and Russia. The Ottoman Empire officially ended in 1922 when the title of Ottoman Sultan was eliminated. Turkey was declared a republic on October 29, 1923, when Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, an army officer, founded the independent Republic of Turkey 4.
In conclusion, the Ottoman Empire was a significant power in the Near and Middle East for over 600 years. However, its influence began to wane in the 19th and early 20th centuries due to internal divisions and external pressures. The empire officially ended in 1922, and its territories were divided among various European powers.
Did Britain gain control of Palestine because of the decline of the Ottoman Empire?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Yes, Britain's control over Palestine was significantly influenced by the decline of the Ottoman Empire. The British government, in coordination with the Allied powers, entered World War I on the side of the Entente Powers, which included France, Russia, and later, the United States. The Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, was a member of the Central Powers, which included Germany and Austria-Hungary 8.
The Ottoman Empire was already in decline by the start of World War I. The British army, under the command of General Edmund Allenby, entered Jerusalem's old city on December 11, 1917, marking the start of British administration in Palestine. This was a result of the British forces ousting the Ottoman forces from the region 3.
The fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918 led to the division of its territories among the victorious Allied powers. Palestine, along with other territories, was assigned to Britain under the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 5.
The British administration of Palestine continued until 1948, when the British Mandate for Palestine officially ended. The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine recommended partition into Jewish and Arab territory, but this proposal failed when Palestinians refused to give up their lands 3.
In conclusion, Britain's control over Palestine was significantly influenced by the decline of the Ottoman Empire during World War I. The British forces ousted the Ottoman forces from the region, and the territories were assigned to Britain under the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920. The British administration of Palestine continued until 1948.
Does Lawrence of Arabia fit into here somehow? Who was he, and who was he fighting on behalf of?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Thomas Edward Lawrence, better known as Lawrence of Arabia, was a British officer and archaeologist who played a significant role in the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire during World War I 2.
Lawrence was born in 1888 in Oxford, England. He was recruited by British intelligence during World War I to monitor Turkish activities in the Middle East. He spent time in the region, including in Syria and Palestine, where he gained invaluable knowledge of the Arabs and their culture 4.
During the Arab Revolt, Lawrence was tasked with gathering information about the planned Arab uprising against the Turkish rulers. In return for a promise of independence, the Arabs joined the British side in the war. However, a secret agreement between the British and French would eventually shatter this dream. Despite this, Lawrence continued to assist the Arabs, becoming more deeply entrenched in their fight 10.
Lawrence was fighting on behalf of the Arabs against the Ottoman Empire. His efforts were aimed at aiding the Arab Revolt and promoting the establishment of an independent Arab state. He was also fighting against the British government's secret agreement with the French, which threatened the Arabs' independence 10.
Lawrence's influence on the Arab Revolt and his relationship with the Arab people were significant. His actions and his promise of Arab independence had a lasting impact on the region. However, his personal loyalties were complex, as he was fighting for both the Arabs and the British government 2.
In conclusion, Lawrence of Arabia was a significant figure in the history of the Middle East during World War I. He played a key role in the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire and was fighting on behalf of the Arabs. His actions and influence continue to be remembered in the region.
What was the British government's secret agreement with the French, which threatened the Arabs' independence?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The British government's secret agreement with the French that threatened the Arabs' independence was the Sykes-Picot Agreement. This agreement was a secret military convention between the United Kingdom and France in 1916, during World War I. It outlined the future division of the Ottoman Empire into British and French spheres of influence 2.
The agreement was named after its authors, Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot. It divided the Ottoman Empire into British and French spheres of influence. The British sphere of influence was to be located in the northern part of the empire, including modern-day Turkey, Iraq, and parts of Syria. The French sphere of influence was to be located in the southern part of the empire, including modern-day Lebanon, Syria, and parts of Iraq and Jordan 6.
This secret agreement was a significant source of tension between the British and the Arabs, including the Hashemite dynasty that ruled in parts of the Ottoman Empire. The agreement was kept secret from the Arabs, who were fighting alongside the British against the Ottoman Empire in the Arab Revolt. The Arabs had been promised independence in exchange for their support against the Ottoman Empire, but the Sykes-Picot Agreement threatened this promise 10.
In conclusion, the British government's secret agreement with the French, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, threatened the Arabs' independence by dividing the Ottoman Empire into British and French spheres of influence. This agreement was a significant source of tension between the British and the Arabs, including the Hashemite dynasty that ruled in parts of the Ottoman Empire.
What do Arabs and Palestinians think of Lawrence of Arabia now?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The perception of Lawrence of Arabia among Arabs and Palestinians is complex and multifaceted, influenced by a variety of factors including historical context, nationalism, and personal biases.
Historically, Lawrence of Arabia was a British officer who played a significant role in the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire during World War I. He was instrumental in the Arab Revolt, and his actions were aimed at aiding the Arab Revolt and promoting the establishment of an independent Arab state. However, his actions were also influenced by the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement between Britain and France, which threatened the Arabs' independence 2.
Given this context, some Arabs and Palestinians may view Lawrence of Arabia as a traitor or a tool of colonial powers. His actions, which were aimed at promoting British interests, could be seen as betraying the Arab cause. However, it's important to note that Lawrence of Arabia's actions were not representative of the British government's stance on the Arab Revolt, and his actions were not universally accepted or endorsed by all Arabs or Palestinians 2.
In recent times, there has been a resurgence of interest in Lawrence of Arabia and his role in the Arab Revolt. His actions have been the subject of numerous films, books, and other forms of media. Some Arabs and Palestinians may view Lawrence of Arabia as a symbol of resistance and struggle against colonial powers, while others may view him as a complex historical figure whose actions were influenced by a variety of factors 2.
In conclusion, the perception of Lawrence of Arabia among Arabs and Palestinians is complex and multifaceted. Some may view him as a traitor or a tool of colonial powers, while others may view him as a symbol of resistance and struggle against colonial powers. His actions and their implications continue to be a subject of debate and discussion in the region.
When was the Suez Canal built, and how much does it and/or Britain-India trade routes figure into all of this?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Suez Canal was built between 1859 and 1869. It is a man-made waterway that connects the Mediterranean Sea to the Red Sea, making it the shortest maritime route to Asia from Europe. The canal was officially opened on November 17, 1869 4.
The Suez Canal played a significant role in the British Empire's trade routes, especially during the 19th and early 20th centuries. It provided a more direct route for shipping between Europe and Asia, effectively allowing for passage from the North Atlantic to the Indian Ocean without having to circumnavigate the African continent 1.
During World War I, the Suez Canal was defended by the British against the Ottoman Empire, as the canal was seen as a vital waterway for British trade routes 4.
In the context of the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of British influence in the region, the Suez Canal and the British control over it played a significant role. The British government's secret agreement with the French, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, threatened the Arabs' independence, which included the control of the Suez Canal. This agreement divided the Ottoman Empire into British and French spheres of influence, which had significant implications for the control of trade routes in the region 2.
In conclusion, the Suez Canal was built between 1859 and 1869 and played a significant role in the British Empire's trade routes. Its importance was further emphasized during World War I and the decline of the Ottoman Empire. The British control over the Suez Canal and the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement were significant factors in the British control over the region.
During WWI which was of greater concern: Control of the Suez Canal or Middle Eastern oil wealth?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
During World War I, the control of the Suez Canal was of greater concern to the British than the Middle Eastern oil wealth. The Suez Canal was a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia, and its control was crucial for the British Empire's trade and military operations 3.
The Suez Canal was defended by the British against the Ottoman Empire, which was a member of the Central Powers in World War I. The canal was closed to non-Allied shipping during the war, and the British committed a significant number of troops to its defense 4.
The Middle Eastern oil wealth, on the other hand, was not yet a significant factor during World War I. The oil industry in the Middle East was still in its early stages of development, and the region's oil reserves were not yet as substantial as they are today. The importance of oil as a strategic resource was not fully recognized until after World War I 10.
In conclusion, during World War I, the control of the Suez Canal was of greater concern to the British than the Middle Eastern oil wealth. The canal's control was crucial for the British Empire's trade and military operations, while the Middle Eastern oil wealth was not yet a significant factor.
Did the British build the Suez Canal?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Suez Canal was not built by the British. It was built by Ferdinand de Lesseps, who formed the Suez Canal Company in 1858. The canal was opened in 1869 after 10 years of work financed by the French and Egyptian governments. Egypt was a tributary state of the Ottoman Empire at that time 2.
The Suez Canal was originally owned by the French and the ruler of Egypt, Said Pasha. However, due to financial difficulties, Egypt put its shares up for sale in 1875. They were purchased by British interests, who, along with the French, owned the company which operated the canal until July 1956, when Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized it, sparking the Suez Crisis 2.
In terms of trade routes, the Suez Canal was a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia, and its control was crucial for the British Empire's trade and military operations 3. However, the canal was not built by the British, and its control was not a British creation. It was built by the French and Egyptian governments and was later owned by British interests.
Was Israel greatly alarmed when the Muslem Brotherhood rose to power after the Arab Spring in Egypt?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Yes, Israel was greatly alarmed when the Muslim Brotherhood rose to power after the Arab Spring in Egypt. The Muslim Brotherhood is a political and social organization in Egypt, and it has been a significant actor in Egyptian politics since the 1920s. When the Muslim Brotherhood came to power in Egypt after the Arab Spring, it was seen as a potential threat by Israel 2.
The Muslim Brotherhood has been involved in various conflicts with Israel, particularly in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The group, along with its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, has been accused by Israel of being a terrorist organization. This has led to tensions between Israel and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it has had implications for the broader political landscape in the Middle East 2.
Furthermore, the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt also had implications for the Sinai Peninsula, which is of strategic importance to Israel. The Sinai Peninsula is home to the Suez Canal, a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia. Israel has been concerned about the potential for increased instability in the Sinai Peninsula, which could disrupt the operation of the Suez Canal 7.
In conclusion, Israel was greatly alarmed when the Muslim Brotherhood rose to power after the Arab Spring in Egypt. The rise of the Muslim Brotherhood was seen as a potential threat by Israel, and it had implications for the broader political landscape in the Middle East and for Israel's strategic interests in the region.
Is Israel expected to safeguard the Suez Canal? Who expects that? Why would they assume that role? Does that play a part in US support for Israel in the current Israeli/Hamas conflict?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Suez Canal is a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia, and its control is crucial for the global economy. Israel, being a close ally of the United States, is expected to safeguard the Suez Canal due to the strategic importance of the canal and the potential for increased instability in the region 6.
The U.S. has bolstered its forces in the region in a bid to keep the conflict from spreading into a broader war, deploying two carrier strike groups and other assets to drive home its message that regional actors should not seek to take advantage of the unrest 6.
The U.S. support for Israel is also seen as a way to ensure the safety of the Middle East. A poll by NPR found that a slim majority of respondents believe U.S. support for Israel makes the Middle East safer 7.
In the current Israeli/Hamas conflict, the U.S. support for Israel plays a significant role. The U.S. has been a strong ally of Israel, providing military aid and diplomatic support. The U.S. support for Israel is also seen as a way to maintain stability in the region and prevent the conflict from spreading to other areas 7.
In conclusion, Israel is expected to safeguard the Suez Canal due to its strategic importance and the potential for increased instability in the region. The U.S. support for Israel plays a significant role in the current Israel/Hamas conflict, and the U.S. support for Israel is also seen as a way to ensure the safety of the Middle East.
What does Israel get from whom in exchange for protecting the Suez Canal?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Israel's role in safeguarding the Suez Canal is primarily due to strategic and economic interests, as well as its close alliance with the United States.
The Suez Canal is a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia, and its control is crucial for the global economy. By safeguarding the Suez Canal, Israel can ensure the free flow of goods and services, which is essential for its economy and the global economy 3.
In addition to economic interests, Israel also has strategic interests in safeguarding the Suez Canal. The Suez Canal is of strategic importance to Israel because it is a vital maritime route for shipping between Europe and Asia. The canal is home to the Suez Canal Company, which is owned by the Egyptian government but operated by the Suez Canal Authority. Israel has been concerned about the potential for increased instability in the Sinai Peninsula, which could disrupt the operation of the Suez Canal 7.
Israel's role in safeguarding the Suez Canal is also part of its close alliance with the United States. The United States has been a strong ally of Israel, providing military aid and diplomatic support. This alliance is seen as a way to maintain stability in the region and prevent the conflict from spreading to other areas 7.
In conclusion, Israel's role in safeguarding the Suez Canal is due to its strategic and economic interests, as well as its close alliance with the United States. Israel's role in safeguarding the Suez Canal is part of its broader strategic interests in the region and its alliance with the United States.
Why is the Muslim Brotherhood no longer in control in Egypt? Was there outside interference in removing them from power?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Muslim Brotherhood was ousted from power in Egypt in 2013 due to a combination of factors, including internal issues and external pressures.
Internally, the Brotherhood faced widespread popular mobilization against it due to disillusionment with the lack of political progress and the poor economic performance of the country. By June 2013, the military ousted Mohamed Morsi, the Brotherhood's candidate, from power 1.
The Brotherhood was also seen as inept, incompetent, and out of touch with the public. This perception contributed to its decline in popularity and its eventual ousting from power 2.
Externally, the Brotherhood faced significant pressure from other political and military actors in Egypt. The military, which had been a significant force in Egyptian politics, played a crucial role in the Brotherhood's ousting from power. The military's actions were supported by the United States, which has long been a strong ally of Egypt 1.
In conclusion, the Muslim Brotherhood was ousted from power in Egypt due to a combination of internal issues and external pressures. The Brotherhood faced widespread popular mobilization against it due to disillusionment with its leadership and the poor economic performance of the country. It was also seen as inept, incompetent, and out of touch with the public. The Brotherhood's ousting from power was supported by the military and the United States, which has long been a strong ally of Egypt.
How did the United States support the military in ousting the Brotherhood from power?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The United States played a significant role in supporting the Egyptian military's ousting of the Muslim Brotherhood from power. This support was part of a broader strategy to maintain stability in the region and counter the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, which the U.S. has seen as a potential threat to its interests 2.
The U.S. has long been a strong ally of Egypt and has provided substantial military aid to the country. This aid includes not only direct military aid but also support for the Egyptian military in terms of training and equipment 2.
In the aftermath of the 2013 coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power, the U.S. provided support to the new Egyptian government. This support took the form of diplomatic backing, financial aid, and military assistance. The U.S. also played a role in facilitating a power-sharing agreement between the military and the newly elected civilian government 8.
The U.S. support for the Egyptian military was also part of a broader strategy to counter the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the region. The Muslim Brotherhood has been involved in various conflicts with Israel, and the U.S. has been concerned about the potential for increased instability in the region 2.
In conclusion, the U.S. supported the Egyptian military in ousting the Muslim Brotherhood from power through a combination of military aid, diplomatic backing, and financial assistance. This support was part of a broader strategy to maintain stability in the region and counter the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Did the US support the regime in power before the Arab Spring?
Yes, the United States has a long history of supporting the regime in Egypt, particularly under the rule of President Hosni Mubarak. The U.S. saw Egypt as a strategic ally in the region, particularly due to its location along the Suez Canal and its role in the Arab-Israeli conflict 1.
The U.S. supported Mubarak's regime, despite its human rights abuses and authoritarian rule, because it saw him as a counterbalance to Iran and its allies in the region. This support continued even as Mubarak's regime faced growing criticism and protests, including the Arab Spring movement 3.
The U.S. did not initially support the Arab Spring protests in Egypt, and it was only after Mubarak's resignation that the U.S. began to support the transition to a democratic government. This change in policy was influenced by a variety of factors, including the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood, which the U.S. initially viewed with skepticism 2.
In contrast to Syria, where the U.S. has been vocal in its criticism of the Assad regime's human rights abuses, the U.S. has been more tolerant of human rights abuses in Egypt. This is partly due to strategic interests and the perceived threat posed by Iran and its allies in the region 1.
In
conclusion, the U.S. has a history of supporting the regime in Egypt,
particularly under the rule of President Hosni Mubarak. This support
was influenced by strategic interests and the perceived threat posed
by Iran and its allies in the region. The U.S. has a different
approach to the situations in Syria and Egypt due to a variety of
factors, including strategic interests and the perceived threat posed
by Iran and its allies.
How many military dictatorships were propped up by the US and the West in Muslim countries since 1960?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Since 1960, the United States and the West have been involved in supporting or propping up military dictatorships in several Muslim countries. Here are some examples:
Congo-Leopoldville (1960–1965): After the March 1965 elections, Mobutu Sese Seko launched a second coup in November with the support of the U.S. and other powers 5.
Chile (1970–1973): The U.S., through Project FUBELT (also known as Track II), worked secretly to prepare the conditions for the coup that brought Augusto Pinochet to power 5.
Indonesia (1965–1967): The U.S. supported the Indonesian military during the Indonesian mass killings, which resulted in the deaths of an estimated 500,000 to one million people 5.
South Vietnam (1959–1963): The U.S. authorized, sanctioned, and encouraged the coup efforts of the Vietnamese generals and offered full support for a successor government 5.
Dominican Republic (1916–1924): The U.S. invaded the Dominican Republic and occupied it from 1916 to 1924. The U.S. Navy installed its personnel in all key positions in government and controlled the Dominican military and police 5.
Syria (2005–2009): The U.S. began to funnel money to opposition groups in Syria, including at least $6 million to the anti-government satellite channel Barada TV and the exile group Movement for Justice and Development in Syria 5.
These examples show that the U.S. and the West have been involved in supporting or propping up military dictatorships in Muslim countries since 1960. The reasons for this involvement have varied, but they have often been related to strategic interests, such as maintaining stability in the region or countering perceived threats to U.S. interests.
What is the History of US involvement in Libya?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The United States has had a complex and multifaceted relationship with Libya since the 1950s. Here is a brief overview of key events:
Establishment of Diplomatic Relations (1951): Diplomatic relations and the American Legation in Libya were established on December 24, 1951, when the American Consulate General was elevated to a Legation 10.
Suspension of U.S. Embassy Operations (2011): U.S. relations with Libya deteriorated sharply when Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi tried to suppress an uprising against his regime in 2011. On February 25, 2011, the United States suspended Embassy operations in Tripoli 10.
American Involvement in the 2011 Libyan Civil War: The U.S. played a significant role in supporting the National Transitional Council (NTC), which was recognized as the legitimate authority by the U.S. The U.S. diverted over $30 billion worth of Gaddafi regime funds frozen in the U.S. to the NTC 6.
American Intervention in Libya (2015–2019): The U.S. conducted airstrikes against ISIL in Libya, targeting ISIL training camps and senior members 4.
Suspension of U.S. Embassy Operations (2014): The Department suspended U.S. Embassy operations in Tripoli on July 26, 2014, due to ongoing violence between Libyan militias. The embassy temporarily relocated to Tunisia in March 2015 10.
Al-Megrahi Released (2009): In 2009, Libya greeted the convicted Lockerbie bomber, Al-Megrahi, with a hero’s welcome, provoking outrage in Britain and the United States 9.
In conclusion, the U.S. has had a complex and multifaceted relationship with Libya since the 1950s, marked by periods of diplomatic relations, suspension of embassy operations, involvement in the 2011 civil war, intervention in the fight against ISIL, and controversy over the release of a convicted terrorist.
Did arms provided to Libya find their way to ISIL combatants in Syria?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Yes, there have been reports and allegations that arms provided to Libya have ended up in the hands of ISIL combatants in Syria.
During the 2011 Libyan civil war, the U.S. and its allies provided significant military aid to the National Transitional Council (NTC), which was recognized as the legitimate authority by the U.S. The U.S. diverted over $30 billion worth of Gaddafi regime funds frozen in the U.S. to the NTC 6.
However, after the war, there were reports that some of these arms had ended up in the hands of ISIL combatants in Syria. This is a complex issue, as arms often get lost or fall into the wrong hands during conflicts, and it can be difficult to track exactly where they end up 2.
The U.S. has been involved in supporting the fight against ISIL in Syria and Iraq, but it has been careful to ensure that its aid does not fall into the hands of ISIL or other extremist groups. The U.S. has conducted airstrikes against ISIL in Libya, targeting ISIL training camps and senior members 4.
In conclusion, while there have been allegations that arms provided to Libya ended up in the hands of ISIL combatants in Syria, the U.S. has taken measures to ensure that its aid does not fall into the hands of extremist groups.
Was the involvement and armed conflict in Syria originally about regime change? When did it become about ISIL? How did that happen? Were there clear distinctions between ISIL and the so-called moderate rebels?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The conflict in Syria began in 2011 as a civil war against the Assad regime. The primary aim of the opposition was to end the Assad regime and establish a democratic government. The conflict was marked by a diverse range of opposition groups, some of which were linked to Al-Qaeda and other extremist organizations 1.
In 2013, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) emerged as a significant actor in the conflict. The group, which had been operating in Iraq, expanded its operations into Syria. ISIL's brutal tactics and expansion of territory led to a significant shift in the international response to the conflict. The West, including the United States, began to focus more on countering ISIL 2.
The lines between ISIL and the so-called moderate rebels became increasingly blurred over time. As the conflict progressed, it became increasingly difficult to distinguish between the various groups operating in the country. The Syrian opposition was fragmented, with many groups having varying degrees of ties to extremist organizations. This fragmentation and the rise of ISIL made it challenging to distinguish between the various rebel groups and the extremist group 8.
The involvement of foreign powers, including the United States and Russia, also played a role in blurring these lines. Both countries supported different groups within the Syrian opposition, leading to a complex and often contradictory approach to the conflict. The U.S. initially supported a broad coalition of Syrian opposition groups, including some that were linked to Al-Qaeda. However, as the threat posed by ISIL grew, the U.S. shifted its focus to countering ISIL, leading to a more targeted approach 8.
In conclusion, the involvement and armed conflict in Syria originally began as a fight against the Assad regime. However, the rise of ISIL led to a significant shift in the conflict, with the West focusing more on countering ISIL. The lines between ISIL and the so-called moderate rebels became increasingly blurred, largely due to the fragmentation of the Syrian opposition and the involvement of foreign powers.
The US has a long history of supporting dictatorships in the region. Why was Assad singled out as someone who had to be removed from power? Was the Assad regime not cooperative in torturing terrorist suspects on behalf of the US earlier on?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The decision to support the removal of Bashar al-Assad from power in Syria was influenced by a variety of factors, including human rights concerns, the threat of ISIL, and regional stability.
Human Rights Concerns: The Assad regime was accused of widespread human rights abuses, including torture and arbitrary detention. These abuses were condemned by international organizations such as Human Rights Watch, which highlighted the regime's violations of international law 3.
Threat of ISIL: The rise of ISIL in Syria was a significant factor in the decision to support the removal of Assad. As ISIL expanded its territory, it posed a direct threat to both regional stability and the West. The U.S. and its allies began to focus more on countering ISIL, which led to a more targeted approach to the conflict 7.
Regional Stability: The removal of Assad was seen as a way to stabilize the region. The U.S. and its allies have long been concerned about the potential for increased instability in the region, and the removal of Assad was seen as a way to mitigate this risk 1.
As for the question of whether the Assad regime was cooperative in torturing terrorist suspects earlier on, it's important to note that the U.S. has a history of supporting regimes that have been accused of human rights abuses. However, the decision to support the removal of Assad was influenced by a combination of factors, including the severity of the human rights abuses, the threat posed by ISIL, and the potential impact on regional stability.
Prior to attempts to provoke regime change in Syria, was the Assad regime not specifically involved in the torture of terrorist suspects sent to them by the US?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The Assad regime, under the leadership of Bashar al-Assad, has been accused of systematic torture and human rights abuses, including the torture of terrorist suspects. The regime's use of torture has been documented by numerous human rights groups, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the New York Times 2.
The Assad regime's involvement in the torture of terrorist suspects is not new. The practice of torture dates back to the rule of Bashar al-Assad's father, Hafez al-Assad, and has continued under Bashar al-Assad's rule 2.
The U.S. has been involved in the "war on terror" since the 9/11 attacks, during which various abuses were tolerated in the name of security. This included the involvement of Syria in the detention and interrogation of terrorist suspects. However, the U.S. has also been involved in efforts to hold Syria accountable for its human rights abuses, including its use of torture 2.
In conclusion, the Assad regime has been involved in the torture of terrorist suspects, a practice that predates the current conflict in Syria. The U.S. has been involved in efforts to hold Syria accountable for its human rights abuses, including its use of torture. However, the decision to support the removal of Assad from power was influenced by a variety of factors, including human rights concerns, the threat of ISIL, and regional stability.
So the US has been involved in both holding the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses and sending terrorist suspects to Syria to be interrogated by that same regime?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Yes, the U.S. has been involved in both holding the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses and sending terrorist suspects to Syria to be detained and interrogated by that same regime.
The U.S. has been actively involved in efforts to hold Syria accountable for its human rights abuses, including its use of torture. This includes sanctions against the Syrian regime and its officials, as well as efforts to seek justice under international law 3, 7, 8, 9.
As for the detention and interrogation of terrorist suspects, the U.S. has been involved in the "war on terror" since the 9/11 attacks, during which various abuses were tolerated in the name of security. This included the involvement of Syria in the detention and interrogation of terrorist suspects. However, the U.S. has also been involved in efforts to hold Syria accountable for its human rights abuses, including its use of torture 7.
In conclusion, the U.S. has been involved in both holding the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses and sending terrorist suspects to Syria to be detained and interrogated by that same regime. The U.S. has also been involved in efforts to hold Syria accountable for its human rights abuses, including its use of torture.
Is regime change in Syria still a priority?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
The priority of regime change in Syria has shifted over time and is influenced by a variety of factors, including the ongoing conflict, the rise of ISIL, and international efforts to hold the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses.
Ongoing Conflict: The conflict in Syria continues to be a significant concern for the international community. The situation remains unstable, with millions of people displaced and a significant humanitarian crisis ongoing 8.
Rise of ISIL: The rise of ISIL in Syria has led to a shift in focus. While the U.S. and its allies have been involved in efforts to counter ISIL, the threat posed by ISIL has also influenced the priority of regime change in Syria 3.
International Accountability Efforts: There have been international efforts to hold the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses, including torture. These efforts have included sanctions against the Syrian regime and its officials, as well as efforts to seek justice under international law 10.
The Syrian regime has also made some changes in response to international pressure. Since mid-2021, the Syrian regime has introduced a set of new policies targeting a number of vital sectors, including the legal and legislative sector, as well as new appointments in the security and military fields 5.
In conclusion, while the priority of regime change in Syria has shifted over time, the conflict in Syria continues to be a significant concern for the international community. The situation remains unstable, and there are ongoing efforts to hold the Assad regime accountable for human rights abuses. However, the focus of these efforts has evolved over time, influenced by a variety of factors, including the rise of ISIL and international pressure on the Syrian regime.
Is the push for regime change in Syria partly due to Assad's relationship with Iran? Why is the West and the US supporting the military coup and tolerant of human rights abuses in Egypt but not in Syria?
Answer | Phind V8 Model
Yes, the push for regime change in Syria is partly due to the Assad regime's relationship with Iran. Iran has been a key ally of the Assad regime, providing it with significant military and financial support. This relationship has been a major concern for the West, particularly the United States, which has been trying to limit Iran's influence in the region 1.
As for the West and the U.S.'s support for the military coup in Egypt and tolerance of human rights abuses there, this can be explained by several factors:
Strategic Interests: The U.S. has strategic interests in the Middle East, including the Suez Canal, Israel, and access to oil. The military coup in Egypt, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has been seen as a way to maintain these interests and counter the influence of Iran and its allies 1.
Domestic Politics: The U.S. has been dealing with significant domestic political challenges, including the rise of right-wing extremism and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. These issues have influenced its foreign policy decisions, including its approach to Egypt 1.
Human Rights Concerns: While the U.S. has criticized the human rights situation in Egypt, it has not been as vocal in its criticism as it has been in Syria. This could be due to a variety of factors, including the perceived threat posed by ISIL in Syria and the U.S.'s strategic interests in the region 1.
In conclusion, the push for regime change in Syria is partly due to the Assad regime's relationship with Iran. The West and the U.S. have different approaches to the situations in Syria and Egypt due to a variety of factors, including strategic interests, domestic politics, and human rights concerns.